With policing set to become the central political issue in the peace process in 2006, the exposure of a British agent in the Sinn Fein leadership in December provided a reminder of who really controls the Six Counties. Neither Sinn Fein’s involvement in the running of the police nor a return of the Stormont Assembly will alter the reality that Unionism, backed by British imperialism, rules the north of Ireland
The British spy
On 15 December 2005, Denis Donaldson, a leading member of Sinn Fein for over two decades, admitted to having secretly worked for the RUC/ PSNI, Special Branch and British military intelligence throughout that period.
Donaldson had been centrally involved in the so-called ‘Stormontgate’ debacle in October 2002, when the devolved Stormont Assembly collapsed amidst allegations of a Republican spy-ring. Donaldson, who was head of Sinn Fein’s Stormont administration, was then arrested with four others during a high-profile raid on Sinn Fein’s offices by hundreds of PSNI officers (see FRFI 170, December 2002/January 2003) and charged with having information useful to terrorists. Donaldson made his announcement only after the police had announced that they were dropping all charges and had warned him that his life was in danger as he was about to be exposed as an informer.
Sinn Fein responded the following day by expelling him from the organisation. Since then it has been engaged in a damage limitation exercise minimising the extent of Donaldson’s involvement in the organisation, stressing that his work had been mainly in the electoral arena. However, this merely emphasises the fact that it is precisely this period that has witnessed the Republican Movement’s retreat from the revolutionary national struggle towards the very ‘electoral work’ which underlies the peace process and has led to the disbandment of the IRA.
The Stormont Assembly
On 26 January, British Prime Minster Tony Blair held talks in Dublin with Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern to set the agenda for talks on the restoration of the Stormont Assembly. Two days earlier, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) had met with Blair in London to restate its refusal to share power with Sinn Fein for the ‘foreseeable future’. Instead, the DUP, along with the Ulster Unionist Party and the nationalist SDLP, prompted by minister Peter Hain’s threat that Assembly members’ salaries would be cut if progress was not made, stated they would accept a return of the Assembly without an inclusive ministerial executive, that is, without Sinn Fein. The UUP proposal is a return of the Stormont Assembly under the control of British ministers until the next scheduled elections in April 2007.
In mid-January Sinn Fein held a pre-Ardfheis (annual convention) conference on policing and justice. The Unionists will be using this issue to wring further concessions from Republicans. Sinn Fein spokesman on policing Gerry Kelly indicated just how far the Republican leadership is prepared to go to placate Unionism. Referring to the forthcoming British government consultation paper on policing, Kelly called on the British government to transfer powers from London to Stormont to help bring about ‘sovereignty, accountability and change’. In fact British plans for policing the north are all about stability and normalisation.
At the end of January North Belfast DUP MP Nigel Dodds said Unionists would not accept any devolution proposal on policing and justice powers if it meant the involvement of Sinn Fein in an administration. He said: ‘There is absolutely no community confidence in Sinn Fein having anything to do with policing or justice powers.’ In FRFI 177, February/March 2004 we wrote that ‘The Unionist veto remains firmly at the heart of the northern statelet. The DUP is now setting the political agenda of the north. The pace of any future “progress” will be dependent on the racist bigot Ian Paisley.’ This remains the case.
Imperialism is determined to continue to undermine even those nationalists who are prepared to share power with Unionists. The outing of Donaldson by British intelligence is designed to destabilise the Republican Movement. The next Independent Monitoring Commission report published on 31 January will set the context for the all-party negotiations planned for February intended to end the political impasse. The report will further implicate Republicans in criminality and will provide Unionism with yet another opportunity to veto any possible restoration of Stormont rule in the next period.
Paul Mallon
FRFI 189 February / March 2006
