The Revolutionary Communist Group – for an anti-imperialist movement in Britain

Interview with George Habash of the PFLP – Agenda for liberation

FRFI 168 August / September 2002

Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! is very proud to carry this interview with George Habash, the former General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The interview took place on 29 May and was therefore just too late to appear in the last issue of FRFI. Since then the PFLP has expressed open condemnation of the Bush plan and attacked the Palestinian Authority for offering the plan its support. The PFLP continues to campaign for the release of General Secretary Ahmed Saadat, held by British and US forces in Jericho. In the meantime many of its cadres have been detained by the Zionists, including Deputy General Secretary Abd al-Rahim Mallouh. A PFLP statement following the arrest demanded that ‘the PA stop complying with Israeli and American dictates. The Front demands that it release all political prisoners and ban all these acts that inflict the greatest of damage on the Palestinian national struggle’.

FRFI: What do you think are the main tasks facing the national liberation struggle following the Zionist onslaught in the West Bank? How do you assess the impact of the onslaught and what in effect amounts to reoccupation?
Cde Habash: The relative ease with which Israel occupied the autonomous regions of the Palestinian Authority has clearly demonstrated Israel’s huge and brutal military apparatus on the one hand, and exposed the weakness of the Authority and the widespread corruption which afflicted it on the other. The onslaught succeeded – albeit temporarily – in partly destroying the infrastructure of the Palestinian factions and the assassinations and capturing of some of its field commanders. What the Palestinians need now is a process of ‘resurrection’ of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) together with drastic reshuffle and reform of all of its organs. New and honest elections must be held to elect new and competent leaders and members of the rubber stamp Legislative Council and all new elected ministers must be held accountable before it and no major posts will be filled without its ratification. All those who proved to be incompetent in facing the Israeli onslaught must be brought to justice and punished.

The strength of the Intifada – which the Zionists have failed to crush – has lain in the unity of the Palestinian people and the nationalist and Islamic forces. How do you think that unity should develop over the next period?
Irrespective of the wide differences that sometimes characterise the relations among the various Palestinian factions, they all unite – under one leadership – to face their common enemy. The unity shown during the Israeli onslaught must be preserved and strengthened. To achieve this, the reformed PLO and Authority must call for a nationwide conference of all factions to assess the present situation and to devise a programme of resistance – both political and military – which must meet national consensus. Without such a programme and a national consensus, the Palestinian effort will be scattered and ineffective.

How would you describe the significance of the Popular Resistance Committees? In this context, would you be able to also set out some of the points of political unity that have led to many joint military operations between the various sections of the liberation movement?
The Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) are a clear manifestation and a result of the unity of the various Palestinian factions during the Israeli onslaught. Although the Palestinians suffer from chronic differences in ideological and political views, they all agree on resisting the occupations. When the intensity of the Israeli onslaught subsided, differences among Palestinian factions began to resurface. Unless a unifying political programme is adopted and met with consensus, the fate of the PRC is likely to be negatively affected.

We know that there are many PFLP demonstrations against the illegal detention of Ahmed Saadat, and the four militants condemned for the execution of the Zionist Minister Ze’evi. How do you see the campaign for their release developing?
The detention of Ahmed Saadat and four other Palestinian activists drew widespread popular Palestinian criticism. Demonstrations denouncing this act were not restricted to members of the PFLP but included the majority of Palestinians irrespective of their political affiliations. The trial and conviction of those activists by a Palestinian court set a dangerous precedent that should not be allowed to continue. I believe all of them should be released immediately and unconditionally. I think the case of Ahmad Saadat is somewhat different as he was not tried or found guilty of any ‘crime’ and hence his ‘conditional’ release can be secured. The case of the other four activists will remain an obstacle towards Palestinian unity. Unless intense popular pressure is brought to bear on the Palestinian Authority, they will most likely languish in gaol for a long time to come, unless, a drastic breakthrough in the peace process is achieved.

By acting as a gaoler for the six Palestinians comrades removed from Ramallah, the British Labour government is now actively supporting the Zionists in their illegal occupation of the West Bank. What words would you have for our readers in Britain on this? What do you expect us to be doing to show our solidarity?
I think the British public is grossly misinformed about the true situation in the Occupied Territories due mainly to the pro-Israeli press and media. I think the British with their long history of democracy and human rights can easily shift their preconceived views once facts are given to them unequivocally. Any effort to this effect on your part will undoubtedly help.

The exile of 13 freedom fighters as part of the deal for ending the siege of the Church of the Nativity has caused consternation. Would you tell us of your views on its significance in the light of the recent anniversary of the Nakbah, and the expressions of support both within the US and Israel for ‘population transfer’?
This issue is another explosive and divisive issue among the Palestinians. At a time when the Palestinians struggle to implement the Law of Return we acquiesced to international pressure – however reluctantly – to banish those freedom fighters whose only guilt was to resist aggression. Any excuses that are used to justify this decision are completely unacceptable. This caused much dissent among the Palestinians and a serious breach of a long-standing Palestinian position on this issue.

Osama Hamdan, Hamas representative in Lebanon spoke recently of discussions about a ‘new national Palestinian plan shared by the factions who fought their battles side by side’. What do you think the key components of such a plan should be? How do you think that the unity of the liberation forces can be deepened?
I think the answer to this question is similar to the one I gave earlier. The Palestinian position must rest on three fundamental issues that must not be changed:
1. Insistence on the Palestinian Right of Return.
2. Insistence on the evacuation of all Jewish colonies (settlements) in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
3. The establishment of a sovereign Palestinian State on all territories occupied by Israel during the 1967 war including East Jerusalem.

Both the Zionists and the imperialists have suddenly proclaimed their interest in the democracy of the Palestinian Authority. Would you explain this, and describe what the approach of the Palestinian people should be?
Democratisation of the Palestinian Authority has long been a demand of the Palestinian people. The sudden American and Israeli interest in ‘democratising’ the Palestinian Authority stems from their desire to replace the present Authority with another which will be less intransigent in succumbing to Israeli terms. An autocratic Authority is unable to conclude peace with Israel, they argue. Both America and Israel want an Authority that is both capable and willing to dismantle the Palestinian Resistance Movement.

What are the goals of the PFLP? Have there been any changes recently in the PFLP’s position? What other resistance groups share the specific goals the PFLP is pursuing?
The PFLP is a founding member of the PLO and enjoys the respect of most Palestinians for its vision and deep analysis of the Palestinian case. Its goals are not different from other Palestinian main stream factions. It emphasises armed resistance against aggression and an inexorable advocate of the basic Palestinian rights. Unlike Hamas, which has an Islamic leanings, the PFLP is a Marxist faction. Both factions have a lot in common in as much as both factions are unwilling to compromise.

What steps do you believe we should be taking to develop solidarity in Britain, especially given its historical responsibility for the rise of Zionism?
The Palestinians must endeavour to win the hearts and souls of the West in general to their cause. Our battle with Israel is not only military but also a public relations one. The vast public demonstrations in the streets of most European capitals is a proof of our just cause. A lot remains to be done. The more the West in general is sympathetic with our cause the easier it becomes to establish our independence. To this end, I think you can help in exposing to the public the atrocities which the Israeli army has committed in occupied Palestinian land, recently in Nablus and Jenin refugee camps, but including now thousands of martyrs including infants, children, and elderly persons; thousands of injuries; demolition of thousands of houses, uprooting of trees, thousands of detainees, and many other war crimes committed against civilians and medical staff.

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