Democracy and revolution: Latin America and socialism today, DL Raby, Pluto Press 2006, £18.95, 280pp
The premise of this book is that a new type of revolutionary movement, inspired by the example of Cuba and Venezuela, is now a real possibility with imperialism and neo-liberalism in crisis. This follows the defeats the Left suffered with the collapse of the socialist bloc. DL Raby analyses the Cuban and Bolivarian revolutions, as well as the defeats in Chile (1970-3), Nicaragua (1979-90) and Portugal (1974-5) and attempts to draw lessons for revolutionary movements elsewhere.
At a time when commentators in both the mainstream and the Left press talk about ‘transition’ in Cuba, and refer casually to it as a ‘dictatorship’ or a ‘deformed workers’ state’, this book offers an important alternative analysis. For Raby, ‘the Cuban Revolution, for all its faults, continues to represent the most advanced attempt to build socialism anywhere in the world; but this makes it all the more important to defend Cuba and analyse it critically’. Raby seeks to understand the unique features of the Cuban Revolution and explain how it has managed to build and maintain a socialist democracy despite US hostility and the extreme hardships of the Special Period, which, as Raby points out, would have caused a state without mass popular support to fall within a matter of weeks.
Raby makes no apologies for Cuba’s single party democracy and devotes a chapter to analysing the way in which pluralist liberal democracies are used to maintain the privileges of the capitalist class. A single party system is not antonymous to democracy, and, on the contrary, in Cuba, has provided the unity needed to carry the Revolution forward and create a more profound type of democracy. She describes the system of ‘popular power’, whereby representatives are directly elected at every level, and in which the Communist Party and mass organisations are forbidden from interfering. However, she criticises what she regards as the more restrictive nomination procedure above municipal level, and says that debate at the national assembly is controlled by the Communist Party. She concedes that ‘It is possible to justify this as necessary in the face of US sabotage, but it cannot convincingly be described as fully democratic’. This is a concession: the overriding issue for the Cubans must be to defend the Revo lution, and this may at times require limitations to a form of democracy which still remains superior to that in bourgeois nation states.
Raby says that Venezuela is, in some ways, a more relevant example for others to learn from. She is hopeful that Venezuela will carry through a revolution and, at the same time, build a participatory democracy that is fully open at every level. In this respect she is inspired by the success of grass roots organisations such as the Bolivarian Circles, land and water councils and ‘Units of Endogenous Battle’, which are described in detail.
Raby recognises that Venezuela has a long way to go in challenging its national oligarchy, which still holds huge economic power, but she is optimistic. Chavez has the support of the military and a clear majority of the people, and this has been decisive in defeating the attempted coup and a series of crippling strikes. Raby believes that the policy of ‘endogenous development’ (a mixture of state-owned enterprises, workers’ cooperatives, and private capital) will meet the demands of the people. In this context a deeper analysis of the current position of national and international capital in Venezuela would have been useful. How much power will have to be taken away from the national bourgeoisie and multinationals if the land redistribution and employment programmes are to work? What will be the likely reaction?
Democracy provides the dynamism necessary to carry a revolution forward. This is undeniable, but as Raby points out, Venezuela’s socio-economic system is still predominantly capitalist. Venezuela may find that if it is to face down the threat of imperialism it has to settle for something less than a perfect democracy at the present time. It’s clear that Raby supports Cuba, but at times she verges on being apologetic about its political system, when, as she acknowledges, the Cubans have good reason to be concerned about protecting revolutionary power.
Raby shows several similarities between the Cuban and Venezuelan experiences. Both movements arose largely independently of existing political parties and were not explicitly socialist at the outset. Both emphasised the importance of a new type of grassroots democracy, and both have had strong, charismatic leaders, who enter into a direct relationship with the oppressed classes, interpreting and responding to their demands. From these characteristics, together with her analyses of the defeats in Chile, Nicaragua and Portugal, Raby draws lessons for revolutionary movements elsewhere. A successful movement should be rooted in national popular culture and committed to participatory democracy. It should transcend conventional political parties and institutions and remain ideologically pluralistic. Furthermore, a strong leadership is essential (often producing an individual charismatic leader like Fidel or Chavez) which must be determined to seize state power.
The signs of such a movement emerging in Europe are thin on the ground, but Raby is encouraged by the size of the anti-war movement, and also by the electoral gains of various Left parties in Europe, such as Communist Refoundation in Italy, or Respect in Britain. She admits that none of these forces has revolutionary potential alone, yet sees them as a possible basis for a new popular movement. However, she does not consider whether the lessons of Cuba and Venezuela can be applied to movements in imperialist countries, where there is a privileged section of the working class politically tied to imperialism. What would she now make of Communist Refoundation voting to keep troops in Afghanistan, or to stop campaigning against the occupation of Iraq? Or of the collapse of the anti-war movement in this country?
However, with its broadly positive assessment of the Cuban Revolution, this is an important book. As Raby says, the Cuban Revolution is the most advanced attempt to build socialism anywhere, and the Left in this country should not just support it, but seek to learn from its example. Raby is to be commended for raising the level of the debate on the way forward for socialism.
Sam Baker
FRFI 196 April / May 2007
