Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! No. 72, October 1987
Luis Jalandoni is the International Representative of the National Democratic Front. He was a former priest in the Island of Negros and in his work as Social Action Director got involved in the struggles of the sugar workers and peasants. In the course of these mass struggles, he became convinced that radical changes in the Philippines were necessary and joined the Christians for National Liberation, later to become a founding member of the National Democratic Front. After martial law was declared in 1972 he went underground, and after a year was captured and became a political prisoner for a year. After he was released, he worked with the industrial workers in Manila but when the strikes started to emerge in 1975 the military hunted him again and he went underground. In 1977 he started work internationally as a representative of the NDF. On 29 August, when in London, Luis Jalandoni spoke to Eddie Abrahams, Trevor Rayne and David Reed. Because of the vital and strategic importance of the Philippines revolution and the central issues the interview raises we have given over three pages of FRFI to it.
FRFI What is the political significance of the 28 August coup attempt, the fifth since Aquino came to power?
LJ The latest coup attempt, the most serious since Aquino took over, shows the growing contradiction within the various eIite factions in Philippine society. There is this faction of the militarists in the armed forces in the Philippines which has a long record of human rights violations against the people who wanted to take over power. And there is the Cory Aquino government, which over the last eighteen months, especially over the last eight months, has also accumulated a record of suppression and oppression of the workers and the peasants in the Philippines, while carrying out policies of the International Monetary Fund in Favour of foreign multinationals at the expense of the workers and the peasants.
So there are competing elite factions in the ruling class and each one wants to be the ruling faction. And, the Aquino government has laid itself bare to such attacks because of the growing corruption in the government, because of the electoral frauds that were committed in the last elections, and because of the leniency towards the militarists who had started coups before as well as to those who were guilty of numerous violations of human rights. Besides, the Aquino government had been carrying out policies that aggravated the economic crisis.
The Aquino government is likely to declare a state of emergency on the basis of such a coup attempt. This state of emergency has already been proposed by the defence minister Raphael Ileto about twelve days ago. This was used mainly against the left which had started to mount big demonstrations against the Aquino government. So the coup attempt would be used as a justification for more repressive measures. This would be very much along the US design to have tougher measures against the left, which it considers to be the strategic threat to its US military interests and its huge economic interests in the Philippines.
FRFI Would you say that this series of coups has continued to sustain a significant section of support for Aquino in the population who fear this open fascistic trend? In connection with that, what do you think. is the significance of Aquino’s success in the February referendum on the constitution and the May congressional elections?
LJ Well, the series of coup attempts has had the effect of winning more sympathy for President Aquino since the alternative is more fascist and more rabidly anti-left takeover by the military. Therefore, it serves to try to increase the popularity of Corazon Aquino in the face of intensified economic crisis and mounting popular dissatisfaction with her policies.
The referendum vote was more a vote against a possible return of military rule, and the election victory, leaving aside the electoral fraud and the attack on the legal left party, was also, you might say, projected as a personal popularity contest for Cory Aquino. So, the series of coup attempts has had the effect of trying to isolate the left and the mounting demonstrations and popular dissatisfaction against Aquino – trying to present her as the better alter-native to a return of military rule.
FRFI The people in the section of the military leading the coup, have they any links with landowners and other classes that are clearly trying to make inroads?
LJ The reformed armed forces movement led by Gregorio Honasan is directly linked with the defence minister Enrile and the Grand Alliance for Democracy, which is a political party of landlords and big businessmen. So aside from their own ambitions to have higher positions, they are also linked with a section of the big landlords and big businessmen in the Philippines and, also, with certain sections of the US officialdom. Yes, it’s already been exposed that the reformed armed forces movement had links with US officials.
FRFI What’s the main social force that supports Aquino?
LJ Well, you might say that with the coming of Aquino there is a new set of big landlords and big businessmen who have pushed out the set that was connected with Marcos. These big landlords and big businessmen, headed specially by Jose Cojuangco, the brother of Cory Aquino, together now with their support within the military form the basis for the new ruling faction which is the Aquino government. It is also the main implementor of US policies in the Philippines and has become the main repressive force against the Filipino people.
FRFI So the US, though it seemed very reluctant to usher Marcos out, does support Aquino. You say that Aquino implements their policies, and yet the US also backs the other horse as well…
LJ Yes, because the US always has also reserve horses and different scenarios. But for their purposes right now they would see the Aquino government as the main asset that they would have in carrying out their policies. It is also in accord with the low intensity conflict strategy to which the US has shifted after their defeat in Vietnam and the victory of the Nicaraguan people. They have started to shift from unpopular dictatorships to more populist and reformist leaders, at least in image, like Duarte. But it does not mean that it does not secondarily support other forces in the Philippines to which they could shift their support in case of need. Once the principal implementor becomes a liability, as Marcos did become in ’85 and ’86, then they have other options available. Secondary forces can always be used to shake down the principal force to grant more wholeheartedly the concessions that the US is demanding. For example, in early 1988 there will be the renegotiation on the US bases and they would want an assurance that their bases will remain, even beyond 1991 when the US military bases agreement will expire.
FRFI Can you give us a few examples of the record of accumulated repression which Aquino has been carrying out against the working class and the peasantry?
LJ From 26 February 1986 when Aquino took over up to 1 April this year, the May 1st Movement documented 28 workers killed, 227 wounded, 902 arrested and 7 missing. The workers demanded on 1 May a 50 US cent across the board wage increase after a 3 year wage freeze, with the minimum wage set at just $2.85 a day. The cost of living is at least twice that much. Aquino rejected this. The workers demanded that anti-labour laws enacted during the Marcos era would be repealed. For example, the National Assembly Act 230 which allows management to bring goods in and out even during a picket or strike. This has been used often by management to bring in scab labour in a van protected by the military. When the workers would stop these vans, they would be shot at by the military. President Aquino refused to repeal that decree. At the same time, she has gone overboard in granting the demands of the International Monetary Fund. The 18 per cent increase of oil prices in the face of widespread suffering of the workers, ignited the massive demonstrations which took place at the end of August.
The peasantry came up with land reform proposals. Four times they tried to see President Aquino and, they were refused. On the fourth time they decided to march and then they marched to Malacanang Palace on 22 January 1987. Nineteen of the peasant demonstrators and some workers were killed in a massacre. This was followed by killing of two workers and the wounding of more than 30 in the free trade zone when the workers there went on a sympathy strike for the peasant demonstrators. And on 10 February, 17 peasants were massacred, including eight children and an eighty year old couple. The strategic hamleting that is taking place now in the countryside far exceeds the violations of democratic and human rights that were taking place in the Marcos era. In one small village, in two areas there, 80 houses were burned in one day in April of this year.
Part of the most recent counter insurgency measures and in accord with the low intensity conflict strategy was the setting up of vigilante or death squad organisations. And in Davao, as in many other areas, the latest report of the Philippine Alliance for Human Rights indicates that 127 vigilante organisations have been set up throughout the country. The military gave plenty of weapons to anti-social elements – goons and extortionists – and they started on a rampage of threatening people especially in the urban poor community where the New People’s Army (NPA) was strong before. So, they started killing off those whom they suspected to be NPA or supporting the NPA. They would mark with a black X the homes of those whom they said they were targeting for liquidation. They would invite people to a meeting and those who would not come, they would say they were probably sympathetic to the NPA, and they would mark the houses of these people with a white X. So, through a lot of intimidation and massive repression to a certain extent they did have some success in disrupting the organisations there and also the work of the NPA in that area. But that was only a temporary development. They were also exposing themselves as the most repressive people and the NPA that was based in the outlying areas could easily pick them off later when they would visit their family somewhere or they would be going elsewhere – they would be picked off. The vigilante organisations have no roots among the people, they are seen as very abusive of the people. So, without the support of the people and just being given guns and money by the military they become, after a while, easy targets for the NPA.
FRFI Who’s directing the low intensity conflict and the strategic hamleting? It sounds like the activities we saw in Vietnam and Central America.
LJ Ramsay Clarke the former Attorney General of the United States and Ralph McGhee, former CIA agent were in a fact finding team of seven in May in the Philippines and they said it’s the Pentagon and the CIA who are directing the low-intensity conflict plan in the Philippines and it’s very similar, according to Ralph McGhee, to the Phoenix programme which was implemented in Vietnam. Recently the 23 March issue of Newsweek and 9 April issue of Far East Economic Review, together with other papers have exposed the new intelligence finding assigned by Reagan, authorising intensified covert CIA operations in the Philippines. And this would include raising the number of CIA agents from 116 to about 130, authorising overt flights over guerrilla areas, giving computer training and equipment to intelligence war, recruiting intelligence agents, planting news stories, setting up new political groups and setting up vigilante or death squad organisations. On 17 February this year the Philadelphia Examiner exposed the fact that ex-Major General John Singlaub, a top CIA operative who was cited by the Tower Commission as working with Colonel Oliver North in channelling arms and funds to the contras, had recruited 37 ex-Vietnam war veterans to conduct counter-insurgency training in the Philippines. So, there is an intensified CIA presence in the Philippines and we believe that top US military officials are carrying out this kind of counter-insurgency plan with the help, of course, of the top officials in the armed forces in the Philippines.
FRFI Can we turn now to the National Democratic Front, its origins and objectives, and its strengths today.
LJ The National Democratic Movement started in the early sixties after the collapse of the work of the old Communist Party and the revival of the anti-imperialist, anti-fascist, anti-feudal struggles in the Philippines. This was partly given impetus by the struggles in Vietnam. From 1961 up to 1972 various national democratic organisations of youth, of workers and others developed, and in 1964, the Patriotic Youth was set up and launched a lot of demonstrations against the local regime, but also especially against US war aggression in Vietnam.
‘… there is a growing consensus that the Aquino government is rightwing …’
Then in 1968 the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) was re-established by young Marxist elements and in 1969 the New People’s Army was founded. Up to 1972 there were many demonstrations and new, national democratic organisations developed. After martial law, from these organisations the National Democratic Front was set up. On 24 April 1973 the NDF proclaimed its 10 point political programme as a basis for unity for all organisations and individuals who would fight for national liberation against the Marcos dictatorship backed by US imperialism. From 1973 to 1976 the NDF had very difficult years under fascist repression. Many were killed, arrested, tortured, but the work in the cities and in the rural areas continued and started to grow steadily from 1977 to 1980. From 1981 to 1985 it grew quite rapidly. Now there are 14 underground organisations in the NDF. It includes the Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army, the Christians for National Liberation, the Revolutionary Congress of Trade Unions composed of workers in the factories, and the Federation of Workers’ Associations, composed mainly of workers in the urban poor communities who are underemployed or recently unemployed. The biggest organisation is that of the Revolutionary Peasant Movement with about 800,000 members. Then you have the Patriotic Youth, the Nationalist Health Association for health workers, the Nationalist Teachers Association for teachers and school personnel, the Lawyers’ Organisation and you also have the Science and Technologists Organisations. A very strong organisation is the Women’s Organisation and then there is still the minorities organisation in the north, that is the Cordillera Peoples Democratic Front.
Our work has developed in the rural areas where mass organisations have been built, as well as alternative programmes of health care, literacy, land reform programmes, co-operatives and organs of political power. This would now be covering more than 10,000 villages out of over 41,000 so almost 25 % of the villages are covered by this rural work.
Together with this of course is the strengthening of the New People’s Army which has set up guerrilla fronts in more than 60 out of 73 provinces. Then in the cities there is the work of the open mass movement and this would be basically among workers, the urban poor, students and then the professional organisations.
There is an underground component and a legal component. They are able to mount big demonstrations and since 1985 what they call People’s strikes for 4 or 5 days when you have the paralysis of transport, boycotts of schools, closing down of factories, barricades in the streets. This can be done in Manila and in 4 or 5 other big cities. The overall strength of this movement would be around 10 million people. Actual members would be about one million but about 9 million more participating – a little less than 20 per cent of the population.
FRFI What effect did Aquino coming to power have on your organisation? Did you have any defections? Any sections that actually wanted to give the government a chance?
LJ There was a lot of discussion and divergence of views. There were those who said that the liberal democratic elements in the government seemed to be relatively strong and would be able to carry the anti-fascist momentum further. But there were others who said that essentially government power was in the hands of basically reactionary elements. For about 6-8 months this difficulty remained, but after the January massacre at Malacanang there is a growing consensus that the Aquino government is right wing and has become the main implementor of US policies representing the new set of ruling landlords and big businessmen.
Another effect of Aquino’s popularity was a lowering of the extent of the armed struggle. The targets had to be carefully selected because of the political implications. But after February when Aquino declared total war on the Filipino people and asked the armed forces of the Philippines to resume full scale military operations, the military tactical offensive of the New People’s Army has increased very much.
FRFI What is the attitude of the NDF to military struggle and participation in parliamentary and local elections?
LJ There is a strong unity now that the armed struggle is the main form of struggle needed in order to achieve political power for the people. But this armed struggle of course has to be combined with many forms of unarmed struggle. First of all, the armed struggle in the rural areas has to be combined with many programmes of land reform; health care, literacy and other programmes in order to have it firmly based among the people with its firm support. Besides the armed struggle, there is the mass movement which plays a very big role in complementing the armed struggle and this mass movement has both an open and underground character.
Now about work in the parliamentary arena. It is seen in relation to the armed struggle and the mass movement, as a supplement, in the sense that it should be utilised but its role is subordinate to the armed struggle and the mass movement. It should not be neglected but neither should it be overestimated in its role. So, a limited participation in the parliamentary arena in order to help advance the armed struggle and the mass movement has to be given attention but not to be overestimated and not to the detriment of the armed struggle and the mass movement.
Above: a mass rally. Below: Philippino Government and NDF representatives at the peace negotiations.
FRFI In this connection could you say something about the relationship between the NDF and the Peoples Party led by Jose Sisson which participated in the elections.
LJ The NDF is an underground, illegal organisation. The Peoples Party was a legal political party to represent the left and the middle in trying to breach the monopoly of the elite in the parliamentary arena. You might say that organisationally and politically they are autonomous. The Peoples Party has its own organisational and political integrity. And therefore, the Peoples Party has its own decision-making processes, but of course it has been accused of being a front of the Communist Party, of the NDF. The Peoples Party is the first attempt of the left to enter the parliamentary arena since 1946.
The electoral process was heavily in favour of the elite political parties just to register as a senator or candidate you had to pay 200,000 pesos – that would be $10,000. There was an estimate made by an independent research body into how much it would cost to run a reasonable campaign – the estimate was 12 million pesos – $600,000. As a matter of fact, the seven candidates of the Peoples Party had only a fraction of that for all of them. But besides that, when they started campaigning, 29 of their campaigners were killed, 3 were beheaded just outside Manila. Two headquarters were burned, 50 arrested, so they were subjected to very concerted, repressive measures. In addition, the armed forces of the Philippines conducted military operations in bailiwicks of the left. For example, in Negros, the Island where I come from, they bombarded two hilly areas where the left was strong. Two thousand people had to flee. This was just three weeks before the elections. When they arrived, they went to the schools in the area because they had no place to stay. They were hounded there by the military; they were not allowed to go out and all of these things. In effect they were disenfranchised. Not only that, they could not think of voting since they were looking for medicines and food that they needed. This happened in different areas. But finally, 695 cities and towns or more than 40 per cent of the total were declared ‘critical areas’ by the commission on elections which allowed the military to come in officially to the electoral process. They could transfer the voting precincts from one place to another. The counting of the votes would be in municipal halls surrounded by the military. So, with the use of all this, the Peoples Party and its affiliates who were hoping to get 15-20% of the seats got zero for the senatorial slate and only 3 in the congressional elections out of 200. So, this kind of massive attack against the left party. There were some positive aspects in the sense that in terms of mass education the issues on land reform, on the US bases and nuclear weapons, the International Monetary Fund policies these were brought out and discussed. But in terms of electoral success, it was a big electoral defeat and that now has to be taken into account for the plans for 9 November local elections.
FRFI The NDF is a people’s organisation composed of different class interests obviously representing the poor and the oppressed of the Philippines. What objectives do you have? What kind of government of the Philippines do you wish to create? What kind of social system do you want to create?
LJ Well, the first objective is to put the political power in the hands of the people – a people’s coalition government, which would represent different classes, sectors, organisations, groups and individuals who have resolutely fought for genuine democracy and independence. This would be in the main through elections.
There would be genuine land reform that would benefit about 70 per cent of the total population together with increasing the capacity of the peasants to produce, especially setting up co-operatives. There would have to be also a national industrialisation programme to go with the land reform to develop the resources of the country but definitely in the hands of the Filipino people and their organisations and curtailing the undue privileges of the foreign multinationals. There would be a guarantee for the workers to have just wages and their organisations to play a role in the management of the companies and factories that would be theirs. There would have to be, of course, one single revolutionary army that would protect and consolidate the gains of the people and which would protect the democratic state power that arises. Then there would have to be a programme of free and nationalist scientific education for the people which would promote the national language as a basis of unity but also regional languages would be allowed to flourish and this would mean developing the cultural heritage of the Philippines and also allowing possible foreign aspects to come in as well as the cultural identity of the Filipino people being upheld. Then there would be, of course, the programme of respecting the rights of the national minorities, the various peoples in the Philippines with their culture and their right to participate in the whole. There should be no oppression of the nationalities and the peoples of the Philippines.
There would also be the objective of having a foreign policy that would be in the interests of the Filipino people, that would uphold the independence and non-aligned position of the Philippine nation while developing to the utmost relations that are based on equality and mutual benefit as wide as possible. Of course, there is also the respect for the rights and equality in all spheres of life for the women who compose a big section of the population. We have a 14-point general programme.
All unequal treaties with the US and other foreign entities will be abrogated. It’s in the programme that no foreign military bases nor nuclear weapons will be allowed into the country and the Peoples Coalition Government that would arise would work with other countries in the region to work for an area free from nuclear weapons and free from military bases.
FRFI What about the massive international debt of the Philippines?
LJ The international debt is about $28.5 billion. The NDF would be for cancelling debts which have been incurred through corruption, debts that have been detrimental to the Filipino people, for example debts for the Marcos cronies. Now it’s very clear that banks and others who were lending this money, were giving it to the Marcos cronies and involved a lot of corruption. The Filipino people should not be made responsible to pay for this. There’s the $2.2 billion debt for the Westinghouse nuclear plant for which we pay about $540,000 a day in servicing – $200 million a year. Now this Westinghouse nuclear plant sits on an earthquake fault, is near an active Volcano, is afflicted by more than 200 safety faults and incurred a lot of corruption – about $100 million went to Marcos to give the bid to Westinghouse. Well, that should be cancelled. So, a relatively big portion of the debt should be cancelled on the basis that this was incurred through corruption and very clearly against the people’s interests. On the others, we will examine them and try to renegotiate better terms. Then we would have a limit on the percentage of export earnings that would be used to service the debt. The Aquino government shelled out 83.2% of export earnings from 1 January to 30 September 1986 to service the debt. That’s an impossible amount. Now no government can have any kind of chance for economic recovery. So, we would have to set a reasonable limit. This could be 10 per cent, 15 per cent. So, the massive debt would be what we would probably call a selective repayment and a selective repudiation on the basis of examination.
FRFI You belong to the Christian section of the movement. What is your attitude to capitalism as a system? Do you see a mixed economy of some kind continuing once the people have seized power?
LJ I believe that the great majority of the organisations and the individuals in the movement reject a capitalist road of development. The workers would not want to fight and die for a system that would still basically be exploitative of them. The peasants would want for something more. So, there is a very strong socialist perspective. But of course, as you say, there are various classes represented in the movement and you have some who still believe that some kind of capitalism might be viable in the future – they would have to struggle it out. But I think the stronger current wants socialism, it will go through a long process but it will be democratically decided. I would say that a strong section of the National Democratic Front, the biggest organisations would be ready to reject a capitalist type of development and its perspective would be for a socialist type in accord with Filipino values.
FRFI Does the NDF have a publicly stated policy in relation to the anti-imperialist struggle in other parts of the world – in South Africa, in Palestine, in Ireland, in Central America?
LJ The NDF takes the position that there are four main streams that we see in the anti-imperialist struggle. There is the stream of the national liberation movements; there is the stream also of the socialist countries; the stream of what we consider anti-imperialist independent countries; and the revolutionary and progressive movements in the capitalist countries. The Filipino people’s struggle is an integral part of this overall anti-imperialist struggle especially since it is fighting against US imperialist domination in a very significant area in South East Asia and the Pacific and that US bases there and other interests there play a strategic role in the regional and global military strategy of the US. The advances in other anti-imperialist struggles are a contribution to our own struggle, whereas our own advances and victories also help to weaken the common enemy.
FRFI What kind of time perspective have you got for seizing power? Do you actually see developments now beginning to move once again in your favour?
LJ Well, definitely we believe that after about 18 years of struggle we have a basis for further advances. However, most of the leadership in the NDF are reluctant to give a time scale because there are so many factors. Will the US come in in a big way to defend its military and economic interests? If it comes in in a big way it will prolong the struggle and raise the social cost tremendously. It could easily delay things for 5, 6 or 7 years. If we do our work well in the united front and don’t make big mistakes it could hasten, but if we make some very big mistakes it could delay. So, there are so many factors that we prefer to speak of important tasks. The US is becoming very quick in shifting from one scenario to another and you have a much more complicated Aquino government to deal with. The fact also that we are an archipelago makes it very difficult for international support. Besides we also have problems with international relations connected with our own limitations in the past as well as the PKP’s (the old and now reactionary communist party – Ed.) historical contacts with various anti-imperialist forces abroad.
We would say that having organs of political power and a guerrilla people’s army covering more than 10,000 villages in 60 provinces and the participation of about 10 million people that it will be very hard for the US as well as the local reactionary factions to crush us. There are many favourable factors. Among this is the intensified and even violent conflicts among the various factions in the ruling classes. We have to bring out the positive factors, and the negative factors and the difficulties and the tasks rather than to give a time frame because the giving of a time frame is rather risky in the sense that there are so many indeterminable and unforeseen factors that could come in. That’s why the time frame (we have fought for 18 years) is to sharpen our capacities of analysis, our knowledge of theory to face the various complicated tasks that are there.
New People’s Army cadres being trained
FRFI You yourself described your Christian background and we’d like to know what role the church is playing in the Philippines.
LJ Well the official institutional church has been predominantly on the side of the ruling classes. This has been historical. The institutional church, those in the hierarchy and especially the conservatives holding key positions and taking over key positions now, are supporting Aquino and would be very much against the left. For example, in January of this year Cardinal Sin said that if the rebels don’t come down from the hills and support the democratic process then the church would support violence against the rebels. Of course, he was severely criticised by progressive groups. Then the Catholic Bishops conference issued a statement saying priests and nuns and the faithful should not support any organisation that advocates violence and class struggle, which was really directed against the CPP and the NDF. But when the vigilante, organisations started to emerge the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines said nothing. In fact, some individual bishops openly endorsed the vigilante organisations saying it’s the constitutional right of every citizen to protect himself. So, you can see that the Church plays a reactionary role in Philippine politics, in terms of the institutional church.
Of course, there are exceptions – there are some individual bishops who are sympathetic to the people’s organisations and their struggles in varying degrees. But as an institution as a whole it would be very afraid of revolution, against the CPP and the NDF. Right now, the bulk of them would be supporting Aquino and they will be using their influence now, even internationally to cut off support for the NDF and the progressive organisations, from the progressive church organisations abroad. So that would mean the right wing of the Philippines would be linking up with right wing elements abroad to try to cut off international support. We make a distinction of the rank and file clergy – that’s a different thing. The Christians for National Liberation have a membership of several thousands, about half of the church sector personnel. The rank and file clergy are experiencing more the problems and the struggles of the oppressed sectors in the population and have more sympathy. And some of them have organisationally come into the Front and the organisation expression is the Christians for National Liberation.
FRFI And they’re illegal, they’re an underground organisation?
LJ Oh yes, illegal. Many of our members have been killed or arrested or tortured. Endicio de la Torre, one of our founders, has been nine years in prison in two stages, and some have been killed. And some have joined the New Peoples Army as guerrillas. So, there is a big distinction between those holders of power in the church and the rank and file.
FRFI What about the role of British imperialism in the Philippines? It is the largest of the European investors in the Philippines.
LJ Well, given that Britain is an important backer of US policies throughout the world but also in our part of the world, it has provided some military hardware, like scorpion tanks to the unreformed armed forces of the Philippines. Now I’ve heard that there is a British MP who just came from the Philippines that wants to propose that military training will be given by the British armed forces to the armed forces in the Philippines. And then also that British banks also play an important role besides other multinationals there. That the solidarity of the British people, their organisations would be quite important in opposing this, trying to weaken and isolate the US imperialist policies and strategy and develop the strongest forms of cooperation which would be mutually beneficial with the people’s organisations both underground and legal in the Philippines. I think it would be mutually beneficial and it would also be helpful to the overall anti-imperialist struggles throughout the world. I hope this dialogue and the contacts with the organisation and your paper will be helpful in developing such mutually beneficial relations.
Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! would like to thank the Philippines Support Group for their help in arranging the interview and for providing the photographs. All those interested in building solidarity with the Philippines revolution can contact the Philippines Support Group at 1/2 Grangeway, Kilburn, London NW6 2BIV
FOUNDER MEMBER OF CHRISTIANS FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION VISITED VIRAJ MENDIS IN SANCTUARY
When talking to Luis Jalandoni, we were startled and pleased to hear that Endicio de la Torre, who visited Viraj in sanctuary on 2 July this year was a founder member of the Christians for National Liberation. He spent 9 years in jail under the Marcos regime. In a statement to Viraj he wrote:
‘I hope that the struggle, although difficult and long, will result in a victory for justice. We support you and admire your stand, not just in Britain, but in your own country.’
Commenting on the Tamil liberation struggle, Luis Jalandoni said:
‘We support the just struggle of the Tamil people, for their self-determination. We support the revolutionaries and progressives who pursue the struggle both inside and outside the country, especially those who have been in prison or in exile.’
Murder of Bayan leader
The defeat of the 28 August coup by military factions loyal to Aquino by no means signified defeat of counter-revolution. Indeed, the latest coup attempt has only pushed Aquino further into line with the fascist military. In sacking her executive secretary Joker Arroyo and her speech writer Teodoro Locsin, she was bowing, willingly, to the military’s view that even bourgeois moderates were now an obstacle to dealing with the revolutionary democratic opposition. The sackings were welcomed not only by the army, but by the business and finance community as well.
Aquino, far from taking any decisive action against the coup leaders, has watched passively as they have openly organised themselves as an independent force. Large factions of the ‘loyal’ army are indeed collaborating with the rebels in operations against the NPA. Pressure is now mounting to get rid of Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos regarded as an ineffective opponent of the NPA. The military and the ‘rebels’ want to eliminate the democratic openings created by the February 1986 ‘people’s power’ movement and destroy the communist led revolutionary forces.
Counter-revolution is now mobilising with all the means of terror available to it. On Saturday 19 September they murdered Leandro Alejandro, General Secretary of Bayan (New Patriotic Alliance) a coalition of left-wing movements in the Philippines. The left responded by holding a 10,000 strong demonstration in Manila on Monday 21 September. Many left-wing cadres and leaders are now going underground in preparation for decisive confrontations. Simultaneously, the NPA is stepping up operations against the Philippine army which has suffered a number of severe blows from them.
