On 8 March, in what might have been the largest celebration of International Working Women’s Day in history, certainly outside the socialist countries, two million women marched through the centre of Santiago de Chile. Elsewhere in the country, tens of thousands more demonstrated in each of the cities of Antofagasta, Valparaíso, Talca and Concepcion. Chilean President Piñera had seen his popularity ratings plunge to 12%, but using the arrival of the Covid-19 virus, he is attempting to bolster his position with his announcement of a ‘state of catastrophe’ on 19 March which puts the military back on the streets in control of public order. SHEILA RUBIO reports.
Led by Movimiento 8M, the 8 March demonstrators were protesting against Piñera’s government, police violence and decades of rampant free-market capitalism, and demanding a constituent assembly. Women of all ages took to the streets over the weekend of 8/9 March. Similar mobilisations had taken place the previous week as girls and young women from secondary schools blocked metro stations and roads. There was an especial focus on sexual violence against women. Protesters also demanded legalised abortion and in particular called for the abolition of a clause in the current law that allows doctors to refuse to carry out terminations on grounds of ‘personal conscience’. A fifth of doctors are currently using this to refuse to carry out abortions, even in life-threatening circumstances. Demonstrators also expressed solidarity with lesbian women who have been targeted for their orientation. Battles broke out with the carabineros (Chilean militarised police) in front of the presidential palace La Moneda. The state media attempted to downplay the size and significance of the protests, reporting attendance in Santiago as a mere 150,000.
Piñera had attracted particular contempt for his remarks about domestic abuse as he approved a new law at the beginning of March that broadened the definition of femicide, claiming ‘Sometimes it’s not just that men want to commit abuse, but also that women put themselves in a position where they are abused’. The 8M marchers called for Chilean working women to be included in the constitutional process, and – in solidarity with the struggles of indigenous people – demanded an end to extractivism, sovereignty and self-determination for indigenous peoples and the demilitarisation and ‘depolicing’ of all their territories.
Since protests began in Chile in October 2019, there have been 36 deaths, 11,564 injuries and 28,000 arrests. On 12 March, Piñera shamelessly celebrated 30 years of ‘democracy’. No representatives from the opposition parties, or even his wealthy allies, attended this farcical commemoration. On 17 March 2020 he announced a commission to reform the carabineros, as if an institution so steeped in corruption and with such a bloody tradition of brutal repression could possibly be reformed. Meanwhile, there has been no response from his government to the people’s demands for justice and for reparations for the families and communities of the dead and injured.
Covid-19 crisis
The first case of Covid-19 virus was confirmed in Chile on 3 March 2020. As of 26 March, the country had 1,300 confirmed cases, with four deaths. On 18 March, the coalition of workers and students organisations Social Unity threatened a general strike if the government did not prioritise the wellbeing of workers over financial interests, and demanded a national preventative quarantine, the nationalisation of all health care providers, postponement of mortgage, bank debt and credit payments, and the suspension of evictions and seizures of goods by the General Treasury of the Republic and the judiciary.
According to Citibank economists, Chile is top of the vulnerability index due to the effect the crisis will have on supply chains in today’s volatile markets. In an attempt to minimise the damage, Piñera imposed his ‘state of catastrophe’. A few hours after his announcement, cleaners arrived in Plaza Dignidad – the epicentre of protests in Santiago – to wipe out all the protest art that was a symbol of months-long resistance. Outrage compelled people to pour back out onto the streets, saying that they were not afraid of a deadly virus because they live under a government that is killing them anyway. They were greeted by water-cannons and brutality.
The virus has also sparked fear for prisoners in Chile. On 19 March, family members of prisoners of Santiago Prison 1 demanded news from inside the prison after rumours spread of inmates being injured and some dead. Basic hygiene requirements are not being met; some have gone days without electricity; there are not enough showers or soap to wash their hands with. Families and friends protested, demanded that the prisoners be released under house arrest, but the demonstration by pregnant women, elderly mothers and children was met with the usual police repression.
As in other states around the world, the Covid-19 pandemic is being used for the political ends of reactionary leaders that would see popular revolt squashed. A promised referendum to convene a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution imposed by former dictator Pinochet – a significant gain of the protest movement – was scheduled for 26 April. On 19 March, Congress approved Piñera’s proposal to postpone this to 25 October. While the ‘state of catastrophe’ is being used as a convenient way of suppressing dissent and shelving progressive change, Piñera and his cronies are ensuring that their rich friends do not suffer. On 27 March the government announced that any business forced to close because of Covid-19 does not have to pay its workers. Like reactionary leaders across the world, Piñera is going to be judged over how he addresses the Covid-19 crisis, and he is already showing that he will put the political power of the tiny Chilean ruling class before the health and wellbeing of the mass of the population.
