FRFI is proud to present this interview with Abu Kan’an, a comrade with media responsibilities in the Gaza branch of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). The interview was carried out remotely during late June 2024, with PFLP cadres subject to the same dangers as the mass of the Palestinian people in Gaza, including destruction and dispersal of the PFLP offices in Rafah. The PFLP is an integral component of the resistance in Gaza and its armed wing, the Martyr Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades has carried out many independent and joint operations against the Zionist onslaught. In the midst of the genocide, the PFLP has maintained its reputation as a principled, leftist voice, laying bare the situation faced by the resistance in Gaza, supporting global mobilisations and intervening critically against attempts to restrict solidarity movements to support for liberal, ‘nonviolent’ tactics.
Inspired by international struggles including Vietnam, Cuba and China, the PFLP was founded as an explicitly Marxist-Leninist organisation in 1967, having emerged as the Palestinian branch of the Arab Nationalist Movement. Led by George Habash, the organisation gained renown internationally in the post-1967 period with a series of daring hijackings and guerrilla operations, including those carried out by Leila Khaled and other cadres. Leading figures included Ghassan Kanafani, Wadie Haddad and Abu Ali Mustafa, all of whom were assassinated by Zionist agents. The PFLP became a voice for socialism in the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), where it remains the largest group after Fatah. Habash and the PFLP opposed the ‘peace process’ pursued by the PLO leadership and the Front has maintained the position that armed struggle is the key to Palestinian liberation. With the involvement of a British Labour government, the organisation’s current leader Ahmad Sa’adat was imprisoned by the Zionist occupation following his January 2002 arrest by the Palestinian Authority (PA) and is one of a number of leading prisoners whose release is constantly denied. We thank Abu Kan’an for this interview and pledge solidarity to all struggling under the genocidal occupation.
FRFI: Can you begin by outlining for our readers the PFLP view of the context to al-Aqsa Flood, launched with the resistance operation of 7 October 2023?
Abu Kan’an: The battle of al-Aqsa Flood is a heroic epic carried out by the heroes of our people, as one in a long chain of struggles against the occupation and Zionism. It came as a natural reaction to the mounting crimes of the occupation against our people, land and holy places. In this context, al-Aqsa Flood should not be seen only as a military escalation between the occupation and the resistance in Gaza, but as a material response both to continuing occupation and to its intensification.
The city of Jerusalem and al-Aqsa Mosque had witnessed increasing Zionist attacks and continual attempts at Judaisation in order to shift the status quo [of Palestinian ownership]. This sparked widespread anger and strong reactions among the Palestinian people and the resistance. Additionally, we saw the continuation and escalation of settlement activity, daily military incursions into West Bank cities and camps, and the assassinations of resistance fighters. In Gaza, this led to the continuation of the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip since 2007, with disastrous consequences for living and economic conditions. Inside the occupation prisons, the escalation led to violations and criminal practices to which prisoners are increasingly exposed. The resistance has repeatedly warned the occupation and the international community that it will not accept the continuation of this situation and has indicated numerous times its preparedness to change this unfair reality. The resistance warned of its ability to create a shock within the Zionist entity through sudden military action, in order to end this situation and restore dignity for the Palestinian cause internationally. Despite the massacres and massive destruction of infrastructure, the resistance has succeeded in achieving this goal.
It is clear that this genocidal war has had a catastrophic effect on the infrastructure and basic social existence of over two million people in Gaza. How does the PFLP relate to the daily demands of the masses to simply survive at this time and what effect has Zionist warfare had upon the organisation?
The Zionist war has caused massive destruction to the infrastructure of Gaza, which in turn has had an impact on the political infrastructure of the PFLP and other Palestinian organisations. This is particularly true considering that the forces and factions are an essential part of the societal fabric in the Gaza Strip. But this war has not successfully disrupted the capabilities of these organisations, nor their ability to carry out political work. This is despite the occupation’s attempts from the beginning of the aggression until now, through systematic destruction, to place restrictions on freedom of movement and communication, to strike the political and organisational activity of the resistance forces, and to target the relationship between the resistance factions and the masses.
“The realistic solution is the establishment of a democratic Palestinian state on the entire national territory…This will not be achieved except by defeating and removing the Zionist entity from our land.”
The PFLP, like other resistance forces, faces enormous challenges in light of the difficult circumstances that the Palestinian people are experiencing in Gaza as a result of this unprecedented and devastating war, which has led to the comprehensive destruction of infrastructure and has caused aggravation of the economic, social and health conditions. Like other forces, the PFLP has lost many of its leaders, cadres and fighters, as well as many of its offices and social structures. However, this has in no way weakened the Front’s presence, its struggle, its work on the battlefield, or its social initiatives to strengthen the steadfastness of our bereaved or displaced people. Since the beginning of the aggression and continually, the PFLP has sought to meet the daily needs of the masses, whether by providing emergency humanitarian aid, organising social and relief programmes or undertaking national initiatives aimed at strengthening the internal front and building steadfastness, despite the great difficulties this work has faced.
In the context of maintaining the continuity of its work under difficult circumstances and adapting to this complex reality, the PFLP uses all available tools creatively, including special means of communication and investing in alternative media and digital platforms to communicate its positions, political movement and military performance. Its efforts have also been clear in communicating the picture of the situation directly to the entire world with clarity and honesty. Continuing efforts are being made to attract the support required to continue the struggle and expose the occupation everywhere, and to urge the free people of the world and those in solidarity to continue rising up for Gaza. This approach, which the PFLP has taken since the beginning of the al-Aqsa Flood, reflects the Front’s determination to confront the harshness of Gaza’s conditions and confront all the occupation’s plans, based on the vision that steadfastness, will and resistance are the only way to defeat aggression and achieve the goals of our people.
Where does the PFLP place itself within this armed resistance movement? Can you explain the prevalence of joint actions?
The role of the PFLP and the Martyr Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades in the battle of al-Aqsa Flood is vital and prominent, being one of the main factions now waging a battle to defend the Palestinian presence and confront Zionist aggression in the Gaza Strip, alongside the al-Qassam Brigades [the military arm of Hamas] and other resistance factions. The PFLP was one of the factions that participated in the 7 October operation and is still performing well in the battle. It remains present on the battlefield in all areas of the Gaza Strip and has brought to this battle its foremost leaders, fighters and cadres, carving the path to Jerusalem, liberation and return. This presence is consistent with the Front’s vision and strategy of confronting the occupation.
The Martyr Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades play a vital role in ongoing operations, and cooperate closely with the rest of the Palestinian factions participating in the battle of al-Aqsa Flood. This joint coordination comes within the framework of a collective strategy to confront aggression and defend our people. Unified action between the Palestinian factions is a cornerstone in leading the battle against the aggression, and this enhances its effectiveness and success in inflicting heavy losses upon the occupation soldiers. Since the beginning of the Zionist aggression, the Brigades have maintained ongoing coordination between the various factions. This includes joint organisation of a large number of operations, in addition to individual operations. This strategy is ongoing and will continue, and the days to come will see even greater and deeper coordination, in light of the occupation’s announcement of the third phase of the aggression. The resistance factions will intensify their process of exhausting the Zionist enemy in all locations in the Gaza Strip, especially in the Netzarim axis in central Gaza, and the Philadelphia axis in the south. The enemy must expect many surprises, strikes and ambushes from the resistance factions.
In June, Netanyahu claimed to be fighting on at least five fronts, including Lebanon and Yemen. How do you assess regional events and the forces of resistance in light of the normalisation agendas pursued by pro-imperialist Arab regimes?
The statements of enemy prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu come in the context of his attempts to prolong the war for as long as possible, while attempting to justify his military and security policies to confront these fronts and responding to the political backlash that accuses him of failing to achieve any goals. It is evidence that the Axis of Resistance on various fronts has had a significant impact in exhausting the enemy and inflicting heavy losses on it, especially by Hezbollah in Lebanon and by the Yemeni armed forces. The Gaza front, along with other fronts of attrition, has proven its ability to change the rules of the game, draw up new rules of engagement in the region and undermine the occupation’s deterrent power. The Axis of Resistance has also demonstrated that it possesses military and field expertise that helps it to repel threats and carry out qualitative operations that have confused the Zionists. Field developments in Gaza and the heavy losses of the occupation also reveal that the Axis has succeeded in providing strategic and logistical support to the Palestinian resistance, which strengthened its ability to confront aggression and maintain its presence in the field of battle.
On the other hand, the Axis of Resistance has succeeded in carrying out strategic attacks that threaten the interests of the enemy and its US and British allies. US Central Command has admitted failure in being able to successfully confront Yemeni resistance, while US forces are also subject to attack. In my opinion, al-Aqsa Flood has dealt a strong and staggering blow to the normalisation projects pursued by pro-imperialist Arab regimes, and the continuity of these projects has been weakened by the presence of Arab popular resistance alongside the Palestinian resistance. This reveals the truth of the official Arab system, exposing the suspicious role played by countries of the so-called Sunni Axis of Moderation [led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE]. Any attempt to revive the normalisation project is therefore doomed to failure and will not be able to contribute to penetrating the consciousness of the citizens, despite the temptations and pressures.
Social democratic politicians limit their commitments to recognising a PA ‘state’ in Ramallah, while backing the occupation in practice. Do the PA strategy or two-state ‘solution’ retain any credibility in the current context?
Recognition of a Palestinian state by a group of European countries has come as a result of popular pressure upon their governments to adopt a position on the ongoing Zionist war of annihilation. Here we are talking about some countries whose positions were affected by popular pressure, not about European countries that are directly involved in the genocidal war against the Palestinian people. We expect that the reality of European positions will not go beyond recognition of the Palestinian state under the Oslo framework, or the failed two-state solution. On the other hand, the rush of some European countries to recognise the Palestinian state can be linked to the election race within those countries, or within the European Parliament, and within the framework of the conflict between right-wing and left-wing parties in Europe. This step is symbolic and has no effect, especially since adopting the so-called two-state solution has failed miserably, and represents the interest of perpetuating the occupation on the ground and escalating the criminal aggression against our people.
In general, the path to a two-state solution has failed, and re-invoking it in any future international negotiations aims only to revive the Oslo Accords once again, to return to catastrophic conditions, strengthen the occupation’s control over all aspects of affairs and continue the work of the PA as a guardian of security, through continued security coordination, prosecution, arrest and even killing of resistance fighters by members of the security services. This we cannot accept. We in the PFLP consider that the realistic solution is the establishment of a democratic Palestinian state on the entire national territory, with Jerusalem as its capital. This will not be achieved except by defeating and removing the Zionist entity from our land.
Where does the PFLP see the fight to free Palestinian prisoners in light of the ongoing resistance?
After 7 October, in light of the continuation of the Zionist war of extermination against our people and escalation against the prisoners, the shocking testimonies of those who were released reveal grave violations to which the prisoners are exposed inside the occupation prisons. The released prisoners tell horrific stories of mass torture. They were subjected to murder, slow execution and starvation. Some of them were subjected to the amputation of limbs from their bodies, the removal of the spleen, and the loss of an eye, due to the brutal attacks they were exposed to inside these extermination camps. These testimonies reveal the extent of the criminality and brutality practised by the occupation against prisoners. This requires the international community to take urgent and meaningful action to stop these serious violations and to protect Palestinian prisoners from daily torture in the occupation prisons. It requires the call for an urgent international fact-finding committee to document the crimes of the occupation in some extermination and detention camps for Gaza Strip prisoners who were arrested after 7 October, especially since the testimonies speak of the martyrdom of dozens as a result of torture inside these camps.
The role of the PFLP in this context is to consider the struggle to liberate all male and female prisoners from occupation prisons as one of its priorities, and it sees the armed resistance as the most effective method for liberating prisoners. To this end, by participating in the battle of al-Aqsa Flood, one of its most important goals was to liberate prisoners by exchanging them for Zionist prisoners held by the resistance. The PFLP also sees support and solidarity activities and the demonstrations around the world for the prisoners as another form of struggle that sheds light on their conditions and the occupation’s crimes against them. Friends of the movement continue to document the violations and launch campaigns to increase international awareness about the suffering of Palestinian prisoners and to struggle to shed light on the policy of medical negligence, administrative detention, torture, etc.
The Front also works, through its allied institutions, to provide legal and humanitarian support for prisoners and their families. It also plays a major role within prisons, through its Secretary General, comrade prisoner Commander Ahmed Saadat, and in the leadership of the prison organisation in the battle to confront the occupation from inside Zionist prisons, and contributing to the unity of the national position in response to the policies of the occupation. Inside the prisons, the Front has also played a pivotal role in the release of national initiatives by prisoners to contribute to restoring national unity on the basis of a solid national programme whose basis is resistance and unity and confronting the occupation plans, dissolving from the disastrous Oslo Accords and withdrawing recognition of the Zionist entity.
We see British imperialism as playing a particularly vicious role, backing the Zionist slaughter and attempting to silence pro-Palestine narratives here in Britain. Historically, PFLP operations have attacked the economic and political connections between Britain and the Zionist state. Do you agree that our political campaigning in Britain must continue to target these connections?
Britain’s role in supporting the Zionist war of annihilation and siding with the Zionist entity is not limited to the battle of al-Aqsa Flood. Indeed, humanity and our people cannot forget that Britain, from the time of its occupation of Palestine and the 1917 Balfour Declaration until the present day, has adopted positions hostile to the rights of the Palestinian people and supportive of the Zionist entity. It also supports the entity with various types of weapons and there are many reports indicating that Britain has provided the Zionist entity during the battle of al-Aqsa Flood with a large number of internationally prohibited weapons that the occupation has used in its crimes in the Gaza Strip.
Britain’s hostile policy towards the rights of our people therefore continues, and there is no difference here between the British Labour Party or the Conservative Party, as they agree in essence and content to support the Zionist entity and adopt policies that maintain this hostility. This is despite the success of the widespread and unprecedented solidarity movement, which marched in its millions in the streets of Britain, in pressuring the British regime to stop this hostile policy and to bring about a real change in this position, towards a stand against the continuation of the aggression against the Gaza Strip and for a peaceful solution. The hostile British position has remained dominant in controlling the policies of the British prime minister and the British government. This was clearly evident in a succession of political and military positions and collaborations with the Zionist entity. Despite the opposition of the majority of the British people, Britain has participated with the US in attacking the Yemeni people, while also participating in the force that protected the airspace of the Zionist entity from Iranian strikes, reflecting the stability of the British position towards the entity.
For many years, the Popular Front has been aware of the ongoing relationship and connection between British imperialism and the Zionist entity, and therefore placed Britain within the enemy camp. Within this framework, the Front stood alongside the just struggle of the Irish people to extract their rights from the British occupation. We see the liberation movement in Ireland as an inspiration and a motivation for us to continue our struggle. We therefore support the continuation of political campaigning against British imperialism in order to expose Britain’s role, and to continue to pressure the ruling political parties, whether Conservative or Labour, to stop supporting the Zionist entity. And to respond to the pulse of millions of people in solidarity with Palestine in Britain who want a radical change in Britain’s positions in favour of victory for the Palestinian cause and the values of justice and freedom, and atonement for the great sin that Britain committed against the Palestinian people.
How do you assess the significance of international solidarity and the student movements in particular? How important is it for activists outside of Palestine to focus on resistance?
The PFLP was one of the first Palestinian forces to issue a clear position on the global student intifada, during which it praised the uprising, considering it an important shift in global popular mood. This is especially true among younger generations and students, and represents an important victory for the Palestinian narrative. The emergence of this movement is a crushing defeat for the Zionist narrative, and for all Western policies that tried to obscure the facts and support occupation. The Front, along with other Palestinian and Arab resistance movements, was actually accused of directly supporting or inciting this global student uprising, and this is an honour for the Front. We also saw the transmission of this global uprising to Britain’s universities as a very important development, as the culmination of the ongoing mass outburst within Britain that began since the beginning of the battle of the al-Aqsa Flood. At the same time, we acknowledge that the influence of some British parties, such as the Labour Party, contributed to weakening the influence and causing the decline of this global uprising. Within some British universities, campaigning was restricted to slogans whose ceiling was lower than the slogans raised during other demonstrations.
We are well aware that there are serious attempts by the PA and some Palestinian parties working in the field of boycott to influence the strength of this uprising and to try to persuade it to adopt some dull and weak slogans that are consistent with the so-called two-state solution, at the expense of strategic slogans. In my opinion, these attempts have completely failed. There has become an awareness among students and youth around the world that there is no solution except through a clear strategy, and that the slogan ‘Palestine, from the river to the sea’ is the only realistic solution to fully achieve Palestinian rights.
